By Nancy Khalek
Sooner than it fell to Muslim armies in advert 635-6 Damascus had an extended and prestigious background as a middle of Christianity. How did this urban, which grew to become the capitol of the Islamic Empire and its humans, negotiate the transition from a overdue old or early Byzantine international to an Islamic tradition? In Damascus after the Muslim Conquest, Nancy Khalek demonstrates that the alterations that came about in Syria in this formative interval of Islamic lifestyles weren't easily an issue of the alternative of 1 civilization by means of one other due to army conquest, yet really of moving relationships and practices in a multifaceted social and cultural surroundings. whilst past due old kinds of faith and tradition continued, the formation of Islamic id was once stricken by the folk who developed, lived in, and narrated the heritage in their urban. Khalek attracts at the facts of structure and the testimony of pilgrims, biographers, geographers, and historians to make clear this technique of identification formation. providing a clean method of the early Islamic interval, she strikes the research of Islamic origins past a spotlight on problems with authenticity and textual feedback, and initiates an interdisciplinary discourse on narrative, storytelling, and the interpretations of fabric tradition.
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Additional resources for Damascus after the Muslim Conquest: Text and Image in Early Islam
G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam: The Umayyad Caliphate, ad 661–750, 2nd ed. (London: Routledge, 2000). 2. After ad 744, Damascus was in fact no longer the capital, even nominally. Prior to this, Umayyad caliphs invested heavily and lived primarily in desert palaces. The “peripatetic authority” they exercised is an interesting question, explored most recently by Antoine Borrut, Entre mémoire et pouvoir: L’espace syrien sous les derniers Omeyyades et les premiers Abbassides (v. 72–193/692–809) (Leiden: Brill, 2010).
17. Hugh Kennedy, The Early Abbasid Caliphate: A Political History (London: Croom Helm, 1981), 24. ” Mu‘āwiya ibn Abı̄ Sufyān, 111. 18. Patricia Crone, “Imperial Trauma: The Case of the Arabs,” Common Knowledge 12 (2006): 107–16, here 111. ( 28 ) Damascus after the Muslim Conquest 19. Konrad Hirschler, Medieval Arabic Historiography: Authors as Actors (London: Routledge Press, 2002), 2. 20. A similar interpretation exists in the case of post-Sasanian coinage in the Persian case. On transitions in coinage and the generally understudied copper coinage, see most recently Lutz Ilisch, “ “Abd al-Malik’s Monetary Reform in Copper and the Failure of Centralization,” in Money, Power and Politics, 125–46, especially 142 and Clive Foss, in the same volume, “Mu‘āwiya’s State,” 86.
For a brief and extremely useful overview of scholarship concerning collective memory see especially Martyrdom and Memory, 10–24. 82. Margaret Somers, “The Narrative Constitution of Identity: A Relational and Network Approach,” Theory and Society 23, no. 5 (Oct. 1994): 605-49, here 616–17. Scholars of social and collective memory likewise incorporate the constitution of identity into the formation of social identities. ( 34 ) Damascus after the Muslim Conquest 83. Abū Ismā‘ıl al-Azdı¯, Tārı̄kh Futūḥ al-Shām (Irbid: Mu’assasat Ḥamāda li al-Dirāsāt al-Jām‘iyya wa al-Nashr wa al-Tawzı¯‘, 2005), 243–46.